Irving’e karşı Lipstadt
The Systematic Character of the National Socialist Policy for the Extermination of the Jews: Electronic Edition, by Heinz Peter LongerichTable of Contents
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2. Preparations for the Regional Mass murder in the Generalgouvernement and in the District of Lublin
2.1From early 1941, the government of the Generalgouvernement had been working under the assumption that the Jews in their area would be deported to the conquered Soviet areas in the near future. In a private conversation of 13 October 1941, Frank renewed his suggestion to Rosenberg to deport the Jewish population of the Generalgouvernement into the occupied Eastern Territories. Rosenberg responded that there was no possibility of the implementation of such resettlement-plans at the moment. For the future, however, Rosenberg expressed his willingness to "promote Jewish emigration to the East, seeing that the intention to send all asocial elements of the Reich to the thinly inhabited Eastern Territories exists."248 From this point onward, the government of the Generalgouvernement began to think about a "Final Solution" to the "Jewish Question"on its own territory.
2.2A series of meetings of the government of the Generalgouvernement was of great consequence for the general radicalisation of policy with respect to the Jews in this area. These were arranged in the district capitals by Frank, immediately following his return from the Reich (14-16 October in Warsaw, 17 October in Globocniks district Lublin, 18 October in Radom, 20 October in Cracow, and for th e first time in Lemberg, 21 October.) At the meeting in Lublin on 17 October, the Third Regulation Concerning Restrictions on the Right of to Leave in the Generalgouvernement was discussed.249 This regulation stated that leaving the ghetto was to be punished by the death penalty. It was issued only a few days later. On 20 October, at the government meeting in Cracow, Governor Wächter indicated "that an ultimate radical solution of the Jewish Question is unavoidable, and that no allowances of any kind - such as special exceptions for craftsmen - could be taken into consideration."250 At the meeting of 21 October in Lemberg, the Head of the Chief Department for the Interior of the government of the Generalgouvernement, Eberhard Westerkamp announced, that "the isolation of the Jews from the rest of the population" should be carried out "as soon and as thoroughly as possible".251 On the other hand, he pointed out that " the government order has prohibited the establishment of new ghettos, since there was hope that the Jews would be deported from the Generalgouvernement in the near future", despite Rosenberg's assertion only a few days earlier that this "hope" was an illusion.252
2.3While the treatment of the "Jewish Question" at these meetings indicated that the government of the Generalgouvernement. followed a unified anti-Jewish policy throughout the region under its control, two districts were to take the lead in the implementation of the "Final Solution".
2.4The fact that Galicia was absorbed into its territory on 1 August - an area in which mass-executions had taken place on a large scale and continued to do so - played an important role in the preparations for the "Final Solution" in the Generalgouvernement. The EK z.B.V. - which had been deployed in this area and which came under the administration of the Commander of the Security Police in the District of Galicia once Galicia had joined the Generalgouvernement - focussed its operations first against a vaguely-defined Jewish elite.253 From the beginning of October, however, the Security Police began to kill the Jewish population indiscriminately in Galicia as well. On 6 October in Nadvorna, about 2000 women, men and children were murdered by members of the outpost Stanislau of the Commander of the Security Police in Galicia.254 According to a statement of the Chief of the Security Police in Stanislau, Krüger, this "action" had been planned down to the last detail, at a meeting with the Commander of the Security Police in Lemberg.255 From the beginning of October, massacres of this type were carried out almost every week. One particular massacre which deserves special notice was the so-called "Blood Sunday of Stanislau". On 12 October 1941, 10.000 to 12.000 Jews were murdered.256 The Security Police of Galicia hence followed the same pattern of radicalisation - independent of the political subordination of the district - as the units in the occupied Eastern Areas. These mass executions necessarily radicalised the anti-Jewish policy throughout the Generalgouvernement.
2.5Concrete preparations for the mass murder of Jews in the Generalgouvernement had also been underway since October in the district of Lublin, neighbouring on Galicia. This was the territory which had been foreseen as a "Jewish reservation" in 1939, and which in Spring, 1942 was to serve as a receiving area for the third wave of deportations from the Reich, as well as for deportations from Slovakia.
2.6The SS and Police Leader of the district of Lublin, Odilo Globocnik, played a key role in the murder of Jews in this district. On 13 October, Globocnik met Himmler to speak to him about his proposal dating back two weeks earlier, to limit the "influence of the Jews".257 According to this proposal, "security-political steps" against the Jews were required.258 It is presumably at this meeting that Globocnik received the assignment to build the Belzec extermination camp.
2.7This can be taken from the fact that, at the beginning of November, two to three weeks after this meeting, and after the "Jewish Question" had been discussed by the government of the Generalgouvernement at several meetings, work began on the construction of the first extermination camp Belzec, a relatively small grouping of barracks.259 By the end of the year, the delegated euthanasia personnel of the T4 Organisation had arrived in Lublin.260
2.8The fact that the killing-capacity of Belzec was still limited (it was to be considerably expanded early the following year), and that the construction of the remaining extermination camps in the Generalgouvernement only started early in 1942, indicates that, in autumn 1941 Globocnik had not as yet received the order to prepare for the killing of all Jews in the Generalgouvernement. His assignment thus presumably extended to the district of Lublin, and possibly also the district of Galicia.261
247. The report of the Gestapo in Lodz ('Judentum') also points to the central role of Greiser: Faschismus, p. 285.
248. 'die Judenemigration nach dem Osten zu fördern, zumal die Absicht bestehe, überhaupt die asozialen Elemente innerhalb des Reichsgebiets in die dünn besiedelten Ostgebiete zu verschicken.' Präg/Jacobmeyer (eds.), Diensttagebuch, 14.10.41.
249. Dritte Verordnung über Aufenthaltsbeschränkungen im Generalgouvernement, esp. pp. 427f. The regulation was back-dated to 15.10. Printed in, Faschismus, pp. 128f.
250. 'daß eine letztlich radikale Lösung der Judenfrage unvermeidlich sei und daß denn auch keine Rücksicht irgendwelcher Art - etwa bestimmte handwerkliche Interessen - genommen werden könne'. IfZ, MA 120, in brief in Präg/Jacobmeyer (eds.) , Diensttagebuch,, 436.
251. Isolierung der Juden von der übrigen Bevölkerung', 'schnell und so weit wie möglich'.
252. 'Der Erlaß der Regierung untersage die Neubildung von Ghettos, da die Hoffnung besteht, daß die Juden in naher Zukunft aus dem Generalgouvernement abgeschoben werden'.IfZ, MA 120, in brief in Präg/Jacobmeyer (eds.) , Diensttagebuch, 436.
253. Pohl, Ostgalizien, pp. 140ff. Typical of this phase is, for example, the 'Intelligence-Action' in Stanislau on 3.8. in which 600 men were shot (Verdict District Court Münster, 31.5.68, 5 Ks 4/65, IfZ Gm 08.08.).
254. Pohl, Ostgalizien, p. 138.
255. IfZ, Gm 08.08, District Court Münster, 31.5.68, 5. Ks 4/65, statement of the Head of the outpost Krüger, vol. 30, pp. 96f.
256. On Stanislau, see Pohl, Ostgalizien, pp. 144ff.
257. Witte et. al. (eds.), Diensstkalender .
258. 'sicherheitspolitisch zugegriffen'. BAB, BDC-File Globocnik, Letter to Himmler of 1.10.41. Cf. Pohl, Lublin, p. 101.
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