Irving’e karşı Lipstadt
David Irving, Holocaust Denial, and his Connections to Right Wing Extremists and Neo-National Socialism (Neo-Nazism) in Germany: Electronic Edition, by Hajo FunkeTable of Contents
|< 3.1 Irving's earlier acti...||3.3 Irving's activities f... >||3.4 Initial conclusions. >>|
3.2 Irving's activities for the DVU, 1981 - 1987
3.2.1.After the SRP was banned in 1952, RWE had fallen into disarray until in the early 1960s a new collective organisation, the NPD, was formed. The NPD had appointed a moderate leader, Friedrich Thielen, so as to appeal more to national conservatives, although the cadre itself was in fact far more right-wing. Subsequently in state elections they made relative gains (in the mid 1960s up to 9.8 % of the votes). However in 1969 they failed to take any seats in the Bundestag, the lower house of parliament. After this defeat the NPD faltered despite a change of leadership.30
3.2.2.As a result of the NPD's defeat in 1969 the DVU was formed in 1971, with the aim of gathering together the splinter group's alienated from the NPD and in anattempt to galvinize a fragmented RWE. The DVU thus constituted a collecting tank for the remnants of the NPD, particularly the so-called 'ewig Gestrigen', the national conservatives and old Nazis who partially or fully still identified with the ideals, ideas, and even practices of NS. Thus this organization led by Dr. Gerhard Frey had within it far right-wingers, and since the 1980s has been considered to constitute the hardcore of old RWE in Germany
3.2.3.The DVU's effectiveness lay in organizing their members through subscription to Frey's newspapers, especially the German National Newspaper [Die Deutsche Nationalzeitung - DNZ] which by 1980 had 10,000 subscribers. Another effective organizational instrument was their annual rally, normally in Passau.
3.2.4.In 1986 the DVU and NPD formulated a common election strategy and put forth a joint list for the Bavarian state election and the federal election in 1987. It then became known as the DVU - Liste D [List Germany]. The OPC described this list as having an anti-constitutional goal because the organizations concerned and Dr. Gerhard Frey's magazines were considered RWE. According to the office, Frey, through his publications, incited anti-Semitism and hatred against foreigners, distorted historical truths about NS, glorified the leading persons of the NS-system, and defamed the present day representatives of democratic parties. In their opinion the party merely paid lip service to its declared belief in democracy and in the constitutional and free democratic basis of the Federal German ['freiheitlich demokratische Grundordnung'] for tactical reasons. 31
3.2.5.This should be matched against Irving's statement that the DVU is a long standing democratic party. Neither the OPC nor academic social-science research would accept this opinion. The DVU as well Dr. Gerhard Frey's DNZ has for decades been declared RWE (or radical right wing) by the OPC. 32 As early as 1971 the OPC stated in a report that Dr. Gerhard Frey's DNZ had maintained a leading position in radical right-wing journalism. For example the 1985 VSB of Lower Saxony outlined the party platform and its profile as 'Hatred against foreigners, anti-Semitism, playing down of the national socialist terror regime and disparagement of democratic institutions and persons.'33
3.2.6.The contents of the DNZ can be described as a 'secondary anti-Semitism', designed to address the 'ewig Gestrigen' mind-set.34 For instance Jewish representatives are held responsible not only for the widespread stories about alleged atrocities committed against the Jews, but also for the fact that the Germans have to continually pay a financial, moral, and political price for the Holocaust.35 This variant of anti-Semitism is often fused with the 'old' one.
3.2.7.So-called revisionism was also identified by the OPC as playing a strategic part in DVU propaganda. Long before the debate on the 'Auschwitz-lie' was intensified by the Leuchter Report, Frey tactically relativised or even denied major NS crimes. As early as 1977 the radical revisionist Arthur Butz, who denied the existence of gas chambers in his denialist classic 'The hoax of the 20th Century' was presented with the DNZ honorary award for political victims of persecution.36 The book was also serialized in the DNZ in the same year. In 1979 the book was officially labelled as one that invoked racial hatred and played down the atrocities of the Nazi regime.
3.2.8.Finally Frey partially co-operated with more militant and extremist fringes of the RWE scene, groups whom in public he criticises for tactical reasons, namely the NPD and even RWE terrorists. 37 For example Frey co-operated with the terrorists of the Wehrsportgruppe Hoffmann, whom he used as body guards at DVU rallies in 1977. Roland Tabbert, who co-ordinated the DVU's 1987 election campaign, was later president of the anti-Semitic Anti-Zionist Action [Anti-Zionist Action - AZA] within the neo-Nazi movement. Members of the militant neo-Nazi Free German Workers' Party [Freiheitliche Deutsche Arbeiter Partei - FAP, banned in 1995] were present at the DVU annual meeting in Munich in 1986. Violent rightwing attacks against foreigners were also executed by DVU members.
3.2.9.Irving's 'soft' revisionist themes of the 1980s (Winston Churchill as a warmonger, 100,000 to 250,000 dead in Dresden, the debunking of the 'myth' of Erwin Rommel as a hero of the resistance against Hitler, the stylising of Rudolf Hess as a martyr for freedom etc.38 ) were all themes which exercised the German public mind, but in particular found a resonance in national-conservative and RWE circles. This corresponded with the DVU's political attempts to relativise the crimes of NS, particularly the question of Germany's war guilt and the Holocaust, and overlapped with the DVU's latent anti-Semitism. In short Irving was an important spokesman for the DVU to win over to their party.
3.2.10.Irving was first informed that he would be welcome to address DVU meetings in 1981, and by 1982 had managed to win Irving's services as a star speaker for the DVU.39 In that year Irving spoke for the DVU in 10 German cities on 'the unatoned Holocaust - the expulsion of the Germans' ['Der ungesühnte Holocaust - die Vertreibung der Deutschen'].40 On 9 May 1982 Irving received the DNZ's European Freedom Prize ['Europäischen Freiheitspreises der Deutschen National Zeitung'].41 By the end of 1982 the DVU had apparently paid Irving somewhere in the region of DM 100,000 for his speeches and 'services' ['Verdienste'].42 A model of blocks of 10 speeches, initially at a fee of DM 2,000 per speech, later reduced to DM 1,500, was to continue until 1987.43
3.2.11.Irving later wrote that he 'always spoke as an historian, never as a politician' to the DVU.44 Although in the strictest sense Irving spoke on 'historical' topics, the very platform he spoke on (DVU meetings and rallies) gave them an explicitly political character. Added to this is the convolution between the attractions of Irving and his topics to old RWEs and that these same people constituted the bedrock of DVU support. The topics Irving was requested to talk on were both historically and politically tendentious, in the sense stated by the OPC when they talked of the DVU's playing down of the crimes of National Socialism.
3.2.12.For instance Frey wrote to Irving on 23 July 1983, giving him precise instructions for his forthcoming lectures.
... we agreed during our phone-call yesterday, that you should tackle the topic of the guilt of aerial terror in your September lecture series. You might perhaps take the occasion in the various towns to briefly go into the corresponding attacks. Regarding the topic as a whole there is a general interest everywhere in who began when and where with aerial terror and in what way? Which related planning occurred from what reasons and under what conditions when and where? What aerial attacks were allowed for in international law and which break international law? How are the three main accusations against the Germans since then [World War II], namely Warsaw, Rotterdam and Coventry, to be judged? [...] Why were attacks preferred on working-class areas to attacks on exclusive residential districts? What was the German answer and how did it correspond to the bombardments of allied planes in terms of the number of bombs dropped, the intensity of detonation, the loss of housing and the death rate? How are the Allied bombardments of 1945 to be classified, for example Dresden, when the war had long been decided? How many deaths did the Allied attacks on concentration camps and ships with concentration camp prisoners cause? Perhaps the lecture should finish with an examination of the Nuremberg trial and Rudolf Hess. [...] Please leave Hitler and the Jews unmentioned.45
3.2.13.As well as orchestrating the contents of Irving's speeches, Frey carefully controlled their timing in order for the DVU to maximum political impact from them. In 1982 an American drama series entitled 'Holocaust' was to be repeated on German television. The first showing in 1979 had been watched by millions of Germans and despite the controversy surrounding it is considered as representing a mile-stone in German public consciousness about the Holocaust.46 With respect to Irving's forthcoming lectures Frey wrote to Irving,
I suggest the next series of lectures begin on Friday 12 November  and end on Sunday 21 November (10 meetings) on the same conditions. A theme worth considering could be "Who bears responsibility for the unatoned holocaust of the expulsion?" [i.e. of the Germans from former Reich territories which fell to eastern Europe]. I hope we will formulate this more succinctly and impressively. In the enclosed copy you'll find the dates for the repeat of the Hollywood-Holocaust soap on "German" television. During these days you will speak, at a different time, about the expulsion holocaust and provide the true historical accompanying music to the horror slush. Please again leave Hitler and the Jews out completely.47
3.2.14.Irving's speaking tour of 1982 was indeed titled 'The unatoned Holocaust - the expulsion of the Germans' ['Der ungesühnte Holocaust - die Vertreibung der Deutschen'] and was a political attempt to counter-act the TV-series 'Holocaust'.48
3.2.15.Irving's DVU sponsored speaking-tours coincided with carefully contrived publicity-campaigns in the DNZ. His latest speeches and books were heralded and marketed by Frey's publishing concerns. Irving also played an important part in the DVU's veneration of former Nazi heroes. For instance on 9 January 1983 Irving delivered a memorial speech ['Gedenkrede'] on the death of Oberst Hans-Ulrich Rudel.49
3.2.16.As of 1987 Frey also invited Irving to contribute articles to the DNZ although Irving had long fed Frey with documents he felt might interest him, the DVU, or the readers of the DNZ.50 For instance in 1984 Irving offered Frey and the National News [National Zeitung] photos taken in the immediate aftermath of the ' "freeing"' [' "Befreiung"' - Irving's quotation marks] of Dachau concentration camp, purporting to show executed camp guards. If the photos were to be used Irving hoped he would receive his usual commission ['Verwendungsgebühr'].51 In 1984 Irving was asked by Frey if he had anything 'exonerating' ['Entlastendes'] in the case of the notorious Klaus Barbie, and if so to send it to Barbie's daughter.52
3.2.17.In 1984 Irving was requested on Frey's behalf to investigate certain names in the Berlin Document Centre for their backgrounds and activities during the Third Reich. He was offered DM 2,000 for the work plus costs and was to pass the documents on to the DVU.53 The list of over 100 names included many prominent left-wing and liberal personalities in Germany such as Rudolf Augstein, Joseph Beuys, Heinrich Böll, Marion Gräfin von Dönhoff, Günter Grass, Eugen Kogon, Erich Kuby and Harry Ristock.54 Frey wrote to Irving that the DVU themselves were not in a position to do the work because the 'incriminated person' ['Belastete'] would have to be mad ['verrückt'] to allow them access to their files.55 Irving duly wrote to the Berlin Document Centre claiming that he was researching the names as part of his work on Reich Marshall Hermann Göring.56 The Director Daniel P. Simon politely told Irving that '...you should know that Mr. Frey, who is not authorized to receive information from our files, has on several occasions in the past tried to obtain information from the BDC.'57
3.2.18.In his reply Irving made clear that his activities for Frey and the DVU were political.
It is true that I am familiar with Dr Gerhard Frey. He is a strange character, his own enemy sometimes, but one of the few people on the Right putting his money where his mouth is in the fight against the Far Left. That is why I place my oratory at his disposal. It helps to keep the Right Wing in the fringe, I hope.58
3.2.19.It would seem that the list was declined by the Berlin Document Centre, but alone Irving's attempt to undertake such work for Frey speaks for the political nature of Irving's relations to the DVU.59
3.2.20.The case became public in 1988 surrounding a scandal about documents being purloined from the Centre. In the course of the discussion Irving himself admitted the details of his political work for the DVU in 1984.60 In 1989 Irving tried to re-approach the Centre for research materials, and was reminded of his statements to the media and informed that passing materials on to 'someone whom you knew had been refused access to the BDC...with the prospect of receiving money' constituted 'a grave misuse of the privilege of access to the BDC.'61 As he recorded in his dairy 5 July 1989: '...writing long letters..., and to the Berlin Document Centre, apologizing for my 1984 lapse (Dr Frey asked me to "research" there for him). I don't think it will work.'62
3.2.20. More importantly perhaps, and interestingly for Irving's later fortunes in Germany, Irving consistently acted as a pawn in the DVU's strategy of using 'the court-room as political forum' ['Der Gerichtssaal als Forum der Politik'].63 Until 1988 there seems to have been little danger that Irving would in any way damage the DVU by questioning the reality of Holocaust as such. Nevertheless Frey made it repeatedly clear to Irving that he was on no account to even talk about Hitler or the Jews, particularly for benefit of the DVU's media image.64 This included Irving's pet thesis at the time that Hitler had not ordered or even known of the Holocaust.65
3.2.21.It is clear that the strategy related to the limits the law in Germany sets on denialist statements, and the DVU's good democratic image. On 29 April 1983, Frey wrote to Irving that
...during the forthcoming lecture series I ask you strictly to observe that we should give even the malicious no chance whatsoever to unpunishably accuse us of any glorification of Hitler or the NS era, let alone justification of the persecution of the Jews.... On no account do we want the vanished NS, the dead Hitler, and as always leave out everything which directly or indirectly touches on the Jews.66
3.2.21. In discussing his forthcoming lecture series on the Nuremberg trial Frey wrote to Irving in 1985.
At the same time I am presuming that you will steer completely clear of Hitler and the Jews, because both topics could only be our ruin. Even if you say something absolutely accurate about the two topics it will be turned around, misinterpreted, and in the end must even serve for bans and other prosecutions. The more objective your presentation, the more unassailable.67
3.2.22.The DVU's strategy was thus a tactical and preventative one, strictly avoiding all possible excuses for incurring adverse publicity or the unwelcome attentions of the authorities. From 1981 to 1987 Irving, who at the time can be considered a 'soft' revisionist, would seem to have no trouble conforming to Frey's requests. If such publicity nevertheless surfaced then the DVU's practiced legal machinery was brought to bear. In the mid 1980s the DVU and Irving mounted a number of successful legal attacks, serving injunctions on newspapers and organisations who suggested that Irving in any way denied the Holocaust or was a supporter of the so-called '6 million lie'.
3.2.23.Although Irving himself had had connections with German right-wing radical organizations since the 1970s, he was only mentioned for the first time in the OPC's 1982 report.
The British writer David Irving (44),who spoke in 5 series of lectures in numerous German cities was the most frequent speaker at DVU rallies including on the "Nuremberg Trials - Justice or Arbitrary Law", the "Truth about the Morgenthau Plan" or "The Guilt of the Holocaust of Aerial Terror".68
3.2.24.The Schleswig-Holstein VSB noted his speeches in 1982 and commented that as a speaker for the DVU Irving was keeping company with the old Nazis like Otto-Ernst Remer and Hans-Ulrich Rudel.69 The 1982 Baden-Württemberg VSB stressed that Irving had been a speaker at DVU meetings 'for quite some time'.70
3.2.24. In 1983, Irving's speech at the Munich rally honouring the RWE and former Wehrmacht Colonel, Hans-Ulrich Rudel was noted.71 He was identified as one of the DVU's 'principal speakers' apart from Frey himself.72
3.2.25.In 1984 Irving's speech to the DVU rally on 10 March 1984 was noted, when Irving spoke on 'Freedom for Rudolf Hess'. He had stated that Hess was lured to Great Britain and tortured there.73 His June 1984 tour was likewise noted. He spoke at the annual DVU rally in Passau on the 4 August 1984 about 'The martyrdom (ordeal) of Rudolf Hess and its true background' and was also noted as accusing Winston Churchill of having executed an underhand warmongering policy.74
3.2.261985 was the first year in which some of the VSBs described Irving as a 'right-wing extremist publicist'75 or as a 'right-wing extremist historian'.76 Irving was noted as having spoken at several DVU rallies.77 These lectures dealt with Rudolf Hess, the question of war guilt, the Nuremberg Trial, and the Nazi leadership.78 He lectured several times in southern Germany on the topic 'The 8th of May: Should the Germans pay forever?' Importantly the OPC noted that Irving 'questioned the extent of the extermination of the Jews.'79
3.2.27.In June 1985 he was given the 'Hans-Ulrich-Rudel-Award', donated by Gerhard Frey.80 The award was officially presented to Irving for his servicower Saxony noted that 'Irving in his speeches and writings plays down the unjust system of the Third Reich. He supports the opinion that Hitler neither ordered the extermination of the Jews nor did he know anything about it. Irving tries hard to improve the reputations of former leading Nazi politicians.'81 In November 1985 he again lectured several times in Bavaria on the Nuremberg Trial. 'He proclaimed the Nuremberg War Tribunal to be a sham in which evidence was falsified and manipulated, testimonies bought and confessions acquired through torture.'82
3.2.28.On the 19 January 1986 Irving spoke at a DVU rally honouring the former fighter pilot Colonel Walter Dahl. Irving described the deceased as the 'perfect German soldier'.83 He participated in additional DVU meetings dealing with the issues of Rudolf Hess and the 'depriving of the German people of its rights'.84
3.2.29.In 1987 Irving remained a frequent DVU speaker.85 He spoke at the annual DVU rally in Passau in August 1987 on 'The secrecy of the martyrdom of Rudolf Hess'.86
3.2.30.Thus in the 1980s Irving was a leading speaker in what is described as the tradition of 'old' RWE represented by the DVU. This old RWE line of thought included playing down the crimes of the NS period, questioning the extent of the extermination of the Jews, questioning German war guilt, denouncing the Nuremberg Trial as a sham, praising military and political personnel who actively identified with the Nazi system (like Dahl, Rudel, or Hess), and an aggressive rhetoric against the Allies. Irving pandered to a barely disguised fascination with the 'heroes' of the Nazi regime amongst the adherents of old RWE, particularly with his praise for the alleged martyrdom of the deputy 'Führer' Rudolf Hess, and would imply a certain fascination his own part.87 Most importantly he himself had been labelled a right-wing extremist by the German constitutional authorities.
21. Armin Pfahl-Traughber, Rechtsextremismus (Bonn 1995), pp.. 58-61
30. Martun Mußgnug became the party's leader after 1969. A decade later, with Gunter Deckert at the helm, the NPD had moved to a more aggresive and extreme position. Gunther Deckert was later to become a preferred contact for Irving(see below)
31. Pfahl-Traughber, p.62
32. For a long time there was no clear definition of how radical is differentiated from right-wing extremism. Radical was often used to describe a person or asn organization as on the fringes of a democratic system, but not beyond. Since 1974 the OPC has defined right-wing extremism as it is stated above. Althought there are still debates on the definition of right-wing estremism, the majority of researchers refer to this concept.
33. Verfassungsschutz-Bericht Niedersachsen.
34. See Peter Kritzer, 'Die Wut der Unbelehrten. Wie die "Deutsche Nationalzeitung" mit der Warheit umgeht' in Wolfgand Benz(ed.), Rechtsextremismus in der Bundesrepbublik, Voraussetzungen, Züsammenhange, Wirkungen(Frankfurt a.M.,2nd edition 1985), pp.209-223; Fabian Virchow,'"Revisionismus" und Antisemitismus am Beispiel der Frey-Presse' in Brigitte Bailer-Galanda, Wolfgang Benz and Wolfgang Neugebauer(eds.), Die Auschwitleugner. "Revisionistische" Geschichtslüge und historiche Warheit(Berlin, 1995), pp.206-224; Annette Link, Der Multimillionär Frey und die DVU. Daten, Fakten, Hintergründe (Essen, 1994), pp.64-5
35. Werner Bergmann and Rainer Erb, Antisemitismus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland,(Opladen, 1991).
36. The Hoax of the 20th Century was translated and published in Germany by Udo Walendy, a right-wing extremist and published by "Verlag fur Volkstum und Zeitgeschichtsforschung' in Vlotho in 1977. Irving was to later have connections to both Walendy and the publishing home
37. See Link, pp.138-145
38. For the historical examples see Richard Evans' Expert Report.
39. Harald Neubauer to Irving, 12 February 1981; Irving to Harald Neubauer, 3 April 1989, turning down an initial approach. See further Dr Gerhard Frey to Irving, 13 July 1981.
40. Itinerary, 'David Irving spricht...',n.d.
41. Dr Gerhard Frey to Irving, 15 February 1982; Irving to Dr. Gerhard Frey, 19 February 1982; Dr. Gerhard Frey to Irving, 18 March 1983.
42. Dr Gerhard Frey to Irving, 10 May 1983.
43. Dr Gerhard Frey to Irving, 8 December 1982; Dr Gerhard Frey to Irving, 31 December 1982. In 1985 Irving asked Frey if his fee could be increased from DM 1,500 or if they could close a firm contract together to help him purchase a flat in Mayfair, because to loose it would mean a loss of prestige['Prestigeverlust']. Irving to Dr. Gerhard Frey, 14 March 1985.
44. 'Ich spreche immer als Historiker, nie als Politiker...' Irving to Micheal von Sprenger, 21 November 1991.
45. '...bei Ihrem gestrigen Anruf sind wir überreingekommen, daß Sie bei der September-Vortragsserie das Thema behandeln sollten: Die Schuld am Luftterror. Dabei köonnten Sie vielleicht in den jeweilgen Staden auch kurz auf die entsprechenden Angriffe eingehen. Zum Thema insgesamt überall: Wer hat wann wo mit dem Luftterror in welcher Weise begonnen? Welche diesbezüglichen Planungen entstanden aus welchen Gründen und unter welchen Gegebenheiten wann und wo? Welche Luftangriffe sind völkerrechtlich zulässig, welche verstoßen gegen das Völkerrecht? Wie sind die drei Hauptvorwürfe gegen die deutsche Seitem nämlich Warschau, Rotterdam und Coventry zu bewerten?[...] Warum wurden Angriffe auf Arbeiterviertel solchen auf Villengegenden vorgezogen? Wie fiel die deutsche Antwort aus und in welchem Verhältnis stand sie auch im Hinblick auf die abgeworfenen Bombenzahl, Sprengwirkung, Wohnungsverluste und Totenziffer im Vergleich zu den Bombardierungen durch alliierte Flugzeuge? Wie sind die alliierten Bombenangriffe des Jahres 1945, etwa Dresden, einzustufen, als der Krieg längst entschieden war? Wievele Todesopfer hatten alliierte Angriffe auf Konzentrationslager und auf Schiffe mit KZ-Häftlingen mit sich gebracht? Vielleicht sollte der Vorttrag mit einer Bertrachtung zum Nürnberger Prozeß und zu Rudolf Heß ausklingen.[...] Bitte Hitler und Juden unerwähnt lassen.'Document 835, Dr. Gerhard Frey to Irving, 23 July 1982
46. See Peter Märthesheimer and Ivo Frenzel (eds.)Im Kreuzfeuer: Der Fernsehfilm Holocaust. Eine Nation ist betroffen (Frankfurt a.M.,1979)
47. Die nächste Serie schlage ich zu den gleichen Bedingungen vor Beginnend am Freitag, 12.November und endend am Sonntag, 21. November (10 Veranstaltungen). Als Thema käme etwa in Betracht:'Wer trägt die verantwortung fur den ungesuhnten Holaocaust der Vertreibung?'Ich hoffe, wir werden das noch griffiger und eindrucksvioller formulieren. Auf beigefügter Kopie finden Sie die Sendetermine fur die Wiederholung des Hollywood-Holocaust-Schinken im, Deutschen"Fernsehen. Während dieser Tage würden Sie also zu anderen Zeiten über den Vertreibungs-Holocaust sprechen und die wahrhaft historische Begleitmusik zu der Horror-Schnulze abgeben. Hitler und Juden lassen Sie bitte unbedingt wieder völlig aus dem Spiel.' Document 846, Dr. Gerhard Frey to Irving 16 August 1982. With the expression'"German" televion' Frey presumably implies that the series is somehow un-German or the television unpatriotic for screening it.
48. Linke, p.97.
49. Irving, 'Material for Gedenkrede on Oberst Hans-Ulrich Rudel', 9 January 1983, 3 pp.;Dr. Gerhard Frey to Irving, 31 December 1982. Rudel had invited Irving to visit him in 1978. See Hans-Ulrich to Irving, 7 Decmber 1978.
50. Dr. Gerhard Frey to Irving, 22 January 1987.
51. Irving to Dr. Gerhard Frey, 7 August 1984.
52. Dr. Gerhard Frey to Irving, 22 August 1984.
53. [Bernd} Dröse to Irving, 13 May 1984, enclosing list of names.
54. 'List of names to be researched', n.d.
55. Dr. Gerhard Frey to Irving, 20 June 1984.
56. Irving to the director of the BDC, 18 May 1984.
57. Daniel P.Simon to Irving, 26 June 1984.
58. Irving to Daniel P. Simon, 4 October 1984.
59. Irving to Andrea Whittaker, 24 February 1988.
60. 'Werden Prominenten-Akten noch heute "fortgeführt"? in Morgenpost, 21 February 1988. Irving claimed that the list contained 700 names and that he was to have been paid DM 1,000 per file.
61. David G. Marwell to Irving, 27 June 1989.
62. Diary entry, 5 July 1989.
63. Peter Dudek and Hans Gerd Jaschke, Die Deutsche National-Zeitung: Inhalte, Geschichte, Aktionen(München, 1981), p. 228
64. Dr Gerhard Frey to Irving, 18 December 1981; Dr Gerhard Frey to Irving, 15 February 1982; Dr Gerhard Frey to Irving, 13 April 1982.
65. In anticipation of a planned television discussion on 21 November 1982, Frey wrote to Irving that he should be 'very reserved'[recht zurückhaltend] on whether Hitler gave an order or not. Dr. Gerhard Frey to Irving, 12 October 1982.
66. '...bei der bevorstehenden Vortragsserie bitte ich unbedingt zu beachten, daß wir selbst Böswilligen keinerlei Gelegenheit geben dürfen, uns irgendeiner Verherrlichung von Hitler oder des NS oder gar Rechtfertigung der Judenverfolgung ungestraft zu beschuldigen....Den untergegangenen NS, den toten Hitler als solchen wollen wir aber keinesfalls behandeln und wie stets, alles was Juden direkt oder indirekt betrifft, außer Acht lassen.'Document 897, Dr. Gerhard Frey to Irving, 29 April 1983.
67. 'Ich gehe davon aus, daß Sie dabei Hitler und die Juden vollkommen heraßen halten, weil beide Themen uns nur ins Verderben Stürtzen könnten. Selbst wenn Sie absolut Zutreffendes zu beiden Themen ausführen, würde es Ihnen umgedreht und falsch aus gelegt und am Ende sogar zu Verbotsmaßnahmen und sonstigen Verfolgungen herhalten müssen. Je sachlicher Ihre Darlegung also sind, desto unagreifbarer.' Dr. Gerhard Frey to Irving, 24 October 1985.
68. 'Der britische Schriftsteller David Irving (44), der in 5 Vertragsreihen der DVU in zahlreichen deutschen Städten u. a. über die "Nürnberger Prozesse - Gerechtigkeit oder Selbstjustiz", die "Warheit über den Morgenthau-Plan" oder "Die Schuld am Holocaust des Luftterrors" sprach, war häufigster Redner bei DVU-Veranstaltungen.' Verfassungsschultz-Bericht, Bund, 1982, p. 141.
69. Verfassungsschutz-Bericht, Schleswig-Holstein, 1982, p. 18.
70. Verfassungsschutz-Bericht, Baden-Württemberg, 1982, p. 115.
71. Verfassungsschutz-Bericht, Bavaria, 1983, p. 106.
72. Verfassungsschutz-Bericht, Hessia, 1983, p. 14, Baden-Württember, 1983, p. 111.
73. According to Verfassungensschutz-Bericht, Bavaria, 1984, p. 110 Hess sei "nach England gelockt und dort gefoltert worden".'
74. Verfassungsschutz-Bericht, Bavaria, 1984, p. 111.
75. 'rechtsextremistischen Publizisten' in Verfassungsschutz-Bericht, Niedersachsen, 1985, p. 101.
76. 'rechtsextremistischen Historiker' in Verfassungsschutz-Bericht,Schleswig-Holstein, 1985/86, p. 29.
77. Verfassungsschutz-Bericht, Lower Saxony, 1985, p.101; Bavaria, 1985, p. 112; Hessia, 1985, p. 14; Baden Württemberg, 1985, p. 83; Schleswig-Holstein, 1985, p. 29.
78. Verfassungsschutzen-Bericht, Rheinland Palatinate, 1985, p. 84.
79. '8. Mai: Sollen die Deutschen weig büßen? (Irving) bezweifelte das Ausmaß der Judenvernichtung.' Verfassungsschutz-Bericht, Bavaria 1985, p. 112.
80. Verfassungsschutz-Bericht, Niedersachsen, 1985, p. 101; Bavaria, 1985, p. 112; Hessia, 1985, p. 14.
81. 'Irving in seinen Reden und Schriften das Unrechtssystem des Dritten Reiches verharmlost. Er vertritt u. a. die Auffassung, daß Hitler weder die Judenausrottung angordnet noch von ihr überhaupt gewußt habe, und bemüht sich, das Ansehen führender nationalsozialistischer Politiker aufzubessern.' Verfassungsschutz-Bericht, Niedersachsen, 1985, p. 101.
82. 'Er bezeichnete den Nürnberger kriegsverbrecher-Prozeß als einen 'Schau-Prozeß', bei dem Beweise gefälscht und manipuliert, Zeugnaussagen erkauft und Geständnisse durch Folterungen erpreßt worden seien.' Verfassungsschutz-Bericht, Bavaria, 1985, p. 113.
83. Verfassungsschutz-Bericht, Bavaria, 1986, p. 122.
84. Verfassungsschutz-Bericht, Rheinland Palatine, 1986, p94; Baden-Würtemberg 1986, p.88.
85. Verfassungsschutz-Bericht, Rheinland Palatinate, 1987, p. 87.
86. Verfassungsschutz-Bericht, Bavaria, 1987, p. 106.
87. See diary entry, 10 July 1989. 'Sally realises I am a hero in the eyes of these people [ex-Nazis], as is worried.'
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