David Irving, Holocaust Denial, and his Connections to Right Wing Extremists and Neo-National Socialism (Neo-Nazism) in Germany: Electronic Edition, by Hajo Funke

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2.3 'Old' and 'new' RWE

2.3.1.The terms old and new RWE are clearly defined in academic literature. Grosso modo the old RWE (sometimes referred to as the 'ewig Gestrigen' - literally 'eternal stick-in-the-muds') align themselves to more state-orientated modes of extreme nationalism. They identify with the fascist traditions of authoritarianism that were prevalent for example at the end of the Weimar Republic or with traditions of the Weimar Harzburg front, which combined the ultra-nationalists 'Deutsche Nationale' with Hitler's National Socialist German Workers Party [Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei - NSDAP].
2.3.2.The new RWE presents itself as an updated, so-called 'modernized' version of the same basic idea11 . They pay lip service to a non-racist recognition of 'other' ethnic groups, conceptualized as 'ethno-pluralism', which is de facto ethno-pluralistic racism. They de facto also do not accept principles of Enlightenment and the universality of basic human rights. They have intellectual links to the far right and extreme   nationalists within the 'conservative revolution' of the late Weimar Republic (with persons like Ernst Jünger, Carl Schmitt, or Möller van den Bruck).12 For some of the new RWE, the belief systems encompassed in Judeo-Christianity, Marxism and the idea of basic equality are themselves eliminatory of the Celtic or Nordic traditions, the 'justification' for the 'greatest genocide' in history. Thus the new RWE appeals to the peoples of the world to rejuvenate their unique cultural heritages and demand the basic right to be 'different'. The belief propagates animosity towards multi-racial society and other cultures and belief systems.13
2.3.3.Parts of the new right try to disguise their RWE affiliations by presenting themselves as the new 'democratic' right, in as far as they fear the attentions of the OPC might oust them from the democratic system. Having styled themselves as democratic these groups can broaden their sphere of influence, using this democratic stance to build bridges between national conservatives and RWE. Thus in the late 1980s the RWE parties of the so-called 'Republicans' [die Republikaner] and the German People's Union [Deutsche Volksunion - DVU] positioned themselves accordingly. Nevertheless they are perceived as anti-constitutional by the OPC.14
2.3.4.Part of RWE supports national revolutionary politics, often arguing and agitating for a third way between capitalism and socialism, that of nationalist liberation and a corresponding movement (like the neo-Nazis in the 1990s in eastern Germany). These groups often see parallels between themselves and similar groups in the NS movement of the 1930s, and are avid exponents of a socialist version of a nationalist, racist movement. Examples of this are the present neo-Nazis, the revitalized neo-Nazi youth organization of the German National Democratic Party [Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands - NPD] the Young National Democrats [Jungen Nationaldemokraten - JN] or the NS-oriented groups centred around Michael Kühnen, Christian Worch and Ewald Althans, with whom Irving had strong ties in 1990 -1993 (see below).
2.3.5.This process of radicalisation within RWE has been particularly militant in the former   German Democratic Republic [Deutsche Demokratische Republik - GDR] immediately prior to, during, and after German reunification. This opened a 'space' for neo-Nazi agitation and propaganda. The male youth of eastern Germany has proven particularly recipient to such ideas.

Notes

11. Stöss, pp. 18 and 21.
12. See especially the magazine Junge Freiheit
13. Pierre Krebs, Die europäische Wiedergeburt (Tubingen, 1982).
14. Hajo Funke, Die Republikaner (Berlin, 1989).
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